Madam President,
First I would like to congratulate you on your election as president of this conference.
Sweden fully associates itself with the statement made by the United Kingdom on behalf of the European Union.
Nine years ago the Comprehensive Test-Ban Treaty was opened for signature here in New York. It was the positive climax of decades of negotiations. The motivation for the untiring efforts to negotiate the Treaty was the realization that nuclear weapons have to be abolished, and that ending nuclear testing is a crucial step towards this end.
125 countries have confirmed this by ratifying the Treaty, and 176 by signing it. This is an overwhelming majority of states – and yet the Treaty is still not in force. This is serious. It is serious because the CTBT is an important part of the international disarmament and non-proliferation regime. And that regime is at present subject to serious threats – moreover, threats that seem to be on the increase.
We all know the threats:
- The nuclear programmes of a number of states which cause serious concern
- Nuclear weapon states who down-play their disarmament commitments
- The risk that non-state-actors seek weapons of mass destruction - a serious threat to our common security
So far our collective response has not been sufficient.
The UN High-level meeting last week failed in its outcome document even to mention disarmament and non-proliferation. It missed the opportunity to provide leadership on how to deal with these challenges.
The NPT Review Conference in May did not achieve any substantive results.
The main international forum for disarmament negotiations, the Conference for Disarmament, remains deadlocked.
And yet, we all know that our response has to be collective and multilateral. No country can tackle common threats alone. The multilateral disarmament and non-proliferation regime should be strengthened, not weakened. If we disregard the international legal framework, we are left with inefficient tools to cope with the problems at hand.
Thus, it is vital that the CTBT enters into force. I call upon all states that have not yet ratified the Treaty to do so without delay. In particular, I call on the 11 remaining Annex 2 states to do so. They should not block the Treaty and prevent the rest of the world from moving forward. The two nuclear-weapon states, which have not yet ratified the Treaty, the USA and China, have a special responsibility. It would also be a confidence-building measure of huge importance for countries in South Asia and the Middle East, who have not yet done so, simultaneously to sign and ratify the Treaty.
Pending the entry into force of the Treaty, it is crucial that no nuclear weapon test explosions take place. I strongly urge all States to continue to observe the existing moratorium and to refrain from any measure that would undermine or be in conflict with the obligations and provisions of the Treaty.
Challenges posed by the existence of nuclear weapons and the signs of renewed interest in them must be dealt with. I am confident that the Weapons of Mass Destruction Commission, chaired by Dr. Hans Blix will help us in this endeavor. We expect the Commission to present its recommendations early next year. I am convinced that they will provide new impetus to our work, by being bold, imaginative and practical.
60 years ago the bombs fell over Hiroshima and Nagasaki. This gives us reason to – and I quote from the Non-Proliferation Treaty – ”consider the devastation that would be visited upon all mankind by a nuclear war and the consequent need to make every effort to avert the danger of such a war and to take measures to safeguard the security of peoples”.
The Test Ban Treaty is such an effort. That is why it should enter into force, and should do so now. Let us make nuclear testing a thing of the past.
Thank you, Madam President